BIBI FOREVER
Yes, I am referring to the recent Knesset elections. In the meantime, the winners (Bibi &
Co) are celebrating and the losers (mainly Meretz and Labour) are playing the
blame-game accusing Lapid for their misfortune and crying Gevalt/Gevald in anguish.
Foreign newsoutlets were late in reacting
to Israel’s unforeseen election results. Anshel Pfeffer a British-born Israeli journalist is
senior correspondent and columnist for Haaretz and Israel correspondent
for The Economist. He wrote the following post-election
appraisal published in The Spectator-
“If
the centre-left and Arabs hadn’t split into eight separate squabbling lists of
candidates, then the outcome would probably have been yet another tie, leaving
incumbent prime minister Yair Lapid in office, at least until election number
six.
Netanyahu on the other hand,
kept his bloc tight, exerting maximum pressure on the various religious and
far-right parties to merge their lists. The Netanyahu camp was a four-fingered
fist that overcame their differences to coordinate campaigning and ferret out every last stay-at-home
voter. The election rallies were sparsely attended, but when it mattered on Tuesday,
they came out and voted. In fact, the turnout was the highest in this
five-election cycle.
But Netanyahu’s majority comes with a
major headache. To ensure no votes were left beneath the threshold, he cajoled
all the fringe players, including the extremist Jewish Power (Otzma Yehudit) and homophobic Noam parties, into one joint list of candidates. It
has turned out to be a brilliant tactic without which he probably would not
have won. It also had an unintended consequence. He needs Ben-Gvir for a majority. He would also like support for
changes to the legal system, perhaps removing the attorney-general in the hope
of ending his corruption trial which has been trudging on for two years now.
Netanyahu doesn’t have many options. He may try and entice some of
his former opponents from the centre-left into a more balanced coalition, but
they are unlikely to want to help him out. The expectation now is that
Netanyahu will go ahead and form a coalition with the far-right and religious
parties, but once he has passed a few legal reforms, he is likely to find a
reason to break up the partnership and go for yet another election. He will be
back in office and will hold
his ground as interim prime minister. It
won’t hold him back.
Netanyahu is 73. This was the eleventh time he led Likud in an
election. Once again, he has come back from political death to bury his
opponents and he has more elections in him. This isn’t over.
A piece in The Guardian mentioned other problems Netanyahu will have to face, “The elevation of supremacists in Israeli politics will put a strain
on the country’s global relationships. Most strikingly, the ascendance of the
Religious Zionism party and Ben-Gvir will discomfort the Biden White House and
test the US-Israel alliance. In September, Bob Menendez, the chairman of the
Senate’s foreign relations committee, warned Netanyahu against working with
them. As such, Ben-Gvir may earn the status of persona non grata, shunned by
the US administration.
The latest election may also test the durability of the Abraham Accords, the agreements normalising
relations between Israel, and the Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan. They
have generated a boom in investment and trade. Israelis now freely travel to
Dubai and Marrakesh. But Tel Aviv is not, and may never become, an Arab tourist
destination, much the same way there are few travellers from Egypt and Jordan.
In other words, the deal is more transactional than organic. Think government
to government, not people to people.
In the run-up to the election, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed, the UAE’s
foreign minister, conveyed his concerns to Netanyahu about Religious Zionism
and Ben-Gvir. The Palestinians may not be the top priority of the Gulf states,
but they can elicit lip service.
I found an additional opinion piece in Honest
Reporting “One of
the reasons Israelis voted for Netanyahu was the frequency of Israel’s recent
elections. So-called ‘stability voters’ made ending the political stalemate
their top priority and voted for Netanyahu — even if they disliked him —
because he had the best chance of forming a stable government.
The end of the political chaos in Israel
and the potential formation of a government that could last more than a year
takes away an argument for the critics of Israeli democracy, who used that
point to mock the Jewish state even during its honeymoon with the media that is
now over.” Their reporting albeit honest, is mostly guesswork, so take it with a large pinch of salt.
While the political analysts are busy
burying Meretz. I’ll pause to reflect on the party’s fluctuating political
fortunes. Let’s begin with its antecedent- Mapam. The party was formed in 1948 by a merger of the kibbutz-based Hashomer Hatzair Workers Party,
the non-kibbutz-based Socialist League, and the left-Labour Zionist Ahdut
HaAvoda Poale Zion Movement. The party was
originally Marxist-Zionist in its outlook, and represented the
left-wing Kibbutz Artzi movement.
In the elections for the first Knesset, Mapam won 19 seats making it the second largest party after the
mainstream Labour Zionist Mapai. In
the 1951 elections Mapam dropped to 15 seats.
Although it had been reduced to seven seats by the end of the second Knesset due to defections, the party gained nine seats in the 1955 elections. In
the 1959 elections the party retained its nine seats, and despite
previous differences, Mapam was included in Ben-Gurion's coalition government.
In the 1965 elections Mapam lost a seat, dropping to eight mandates,
but it managed
to join the coalition government. In
January 1969 the party formed an alliance with the Israeli Labour Party,
which was named the Alignment. The Alignment went on to win the
highest-ever number of seats in the 1969 elections (56 out of 120).
Mapam briefly broke away from the Alignment during the eighth Knesset, but
returned shortly after. The party then remained part of the Alignment until
after the 1984 elections, when it broke away because of a dispute over Shimon Peres's decision to form a national unity government with Likud,
By that time the decline was clearly evident.
In the 1988 elections Mapam won only three
seats.
As a result of declining support, Mapam amalgamated with Ratz and Shinui to form Meretz, a new left-wing, social-democratic and
pro-peace alliance, which became the third largest party in the Knesset in
the 1992 elections. In 1997 the merger began to disintegrate resulting in a more
ideologically homogenous, but smaller Meretz party. Had Meretz and Labour contested the
elections with a joint list in the recent elections it would have survived, but
don’t write it off. Like Lazarus it could still rise from the dead.
At this juncture I want to relate a
personal encounter with Meretz. I joined Kibbutz Nirim, one of the Gaza
periphery communities in 1961 shortly before the Knesset elections were held in
August of that year. Along with many members of the kibbutz I canvassed in
neighbouring communities for Mapam. Four years later I left Nirim and joined
Kibbutz Ein Harod Ihud ( my wife’s kibbutz). In November 1965 Knesset elections
were held again. I hadn’t managed to
register my change of address, so in order to vote I would have to go back to
Nirim. Daunted by the thought of the long bus journey to Nirim, I opted to vote
in spirit but not in body. I posted my ID card to my brother Harvey who was a
member of Nirim at that time and asked him to vote for me.
Before I continue, I want to explain that
Harvey and I were separated from our parents for several years during WW2 due
to the Blitz and later bombings. The family was reunited at the end of the war a few years before we emigrated
to New Zealand. The war years were an enduring
bonding experience for the both of us.
Harvey died 28 years ago, he is still sorely missed by family and
friends.
The photo in my ID card was a bit blurry,
my brother and I looked alike, so I was confident that the ruse would succeed.
It’s important to add that at that time all
the members of Nirim voted for Mapam.
Knowing that, other parties didn’t bother
to send observers to sit on the all-Mapam members elections committee. On
election day my brother equipped with my ID card went to vote for me. At the
polling booth, flashing a broad smile and winking at the same time he said
“I’ve come to vote for Beni.” “You needn’t have bothered.” The election
committee chairman said. ‘We have already voted for him.”
In a country where the prime minister-elect
is facing an indictment on charges of bribery,
corruption and breach of trust, my minor infraction has long since been nullified by the statute of
limitations.
Have a good weekend.
Beni, 4th
of November, 2022.
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