IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
“I doubt if any conflict over a disputed territory has generated as
many proposals, drafts, plans, accords and agreements as the Arab –Israeli
Conflict.
Viewed in historical perspective it appears Jews and
Arabs met to forestall a conflict of interests at a time when it was
far from clear who they were representing and who could ratify and implement
the agreements they reached.
It has been argued that peace plans were being discussed more than
ninety years before the present intractable "Conflict."
Understandings and plans were drawn up long before there was a significant
Jewish presence in Palestine (the region known later as Mandatory
Palestine) and before the indigenous Arabs in that region realised that they
constituted a separate national entity.”
I quoted this text in a preamble to an assessment/observation of
the Arab-Israel Conflict in a post I wrote 13 years ago.
It relates to an early accord reached between Feisal bin al-Hussein
bin Ali al-Hashemi, and Dr. Chaim Weizmann. However, viewed in retrospect, “The
Feisal - Weizmann Agreement signed in January 1919 is no more than an
historical footnote.
Feisal bin al-Hussein bin Ali al-Hashemi made this observation in
1919 shortly before the Paris Peace Conference. Feisal had concluded a
series of meetings with Chaim Weizmann and was seeking international
support to set up a Pan-Arab nation.
Feisal's seemingly pro-Zionist sentiments were expressed in another
remark he made about the same time. "The Arabs, especially the educated
among us, look with the deepest sympathy on the Zionist movement."
However, a letter in the British Foreign Office archives,
declassified at a later date, reveals that Feisal was "coached."
British diplomat Mark Sykes had written to Feisal about the Jewish
people "...this race, despised and weak, is universal and all powerful and
cannot be put down." Under such circumstances, the secret British
communication contended, Feisal would be well advised to cultivate the Zionist
movement as a powerful ally rather than to oppose it. In the event, Weizmann
and Feisal established an informal agreement under which Feisal would support
dense Jewish settlement in Palestine while the Zionist movement would assist in
the development of the vast Arab nation that Feisal hoped to establish.
Weizmann first met Feisal in June 1918, during the British advance
from the South against the Ottoman Empire in World War I. As leader of an
impromptu "Zionist Commission", Weizmann travelled to
southern Transjordan for the meeting. The intended purpose was to
forge an agreement between Feisal and the Zionist Movement to support
an Arab Kingdom and Jewish settlement in Palestine,
respectively. The wishes of the Palestinian Arabs were to be ignored, and,
indeed, both men seem to have held the Palestinian Arabs in considerable
disdain. Weizmann had called them "treacherous",
"arrogant", "uneducated", and "greedy" and had
complained to the British that the system in Palestine did "not
take into account the fact that there is a fundamental qualitative difference
between Jew and Arab". After the meeting Weizmann reported that Feisal was
"contemptuous of the Palestinian Arabs whom he doesn't even regard as
Arabs".
However, a secret British-French agreement (the Sykes-Picot Agreement)
concluded earlier, left no room for Feisal's pan-Arab ambitions.
After the Paris Conference Feisal returned
to Damascus and led a rebellion. against the French. He had himself
crowned King of Greater Syria in March 1920. A few weeks later the
French deposed him. In an effort to compensate Feisal for his loss the British
offered him the Kingdom of Iraq, which he reluctantly accepted.
In July 1933, a few weeks before his death, Feisal went
to London where he expressed concern regarding the situation
in Palestine. In particular the Arab-Jewish conflict, increased Jewish
immigration to Palestine as well as the declining Arab political,
social, and economic situation. He asked the British to limit Jewish
immigration and land sales, for fear that “otherwise in the near future the
Arabs would either be squeezed out of Palestine or reduced to
economic and social servitude.”
It seems Feisal's Zionist sympathies were short lived.
Viewed in historical perspective once again, it seems we are no closer
to understanding how our neighbours think.
In a recent analysis of public opinion polls in Arab countries
conducted by the Institute for National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University
(INSS) the authors endeavoured to comprehend public opinion in Arab countries, while
trying to avoid reaching all-inclusive conclusions. They asked: How much is the
public in the Arab world worried about the economic situation? the security
situation? What percentage would like to emigrate? What are the attitudes
toward Israel – and have these attitudes shifted in light of the Abraham
Accords.
An analysis of public opinion polls conducted recently in 14 Arab
countries shows that overall, the Arab public is primarily concerned with economic
challenges, and regards the Israeli-Palestinian question with marginal interest.
Nevertheless, despite normalisation with Israel in many fields, the refusal to recognise
the Jewish state and forge relations with it is widespread. and creates potential
barriers for regimes regarding formal ties with Israel. It’s important to add
that most of the polls were conducted prior to the inauguration of Benjamin
Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition government.
Identifying the mood on what is often referred to as the “Arab
street” allows a glimpse, even if it is not free of distortions, into
individuals’ opinions regarding their personal situations and their perceptions
of their governments’ economic and foreign policies. Some scepticism is in
order as to the validity of polls conducted in societies governed by oppressive
authoritarian regimes, but in spite of this conundrum or perhaps because of it,
polls are almost the only means of assessing public sentiment.
There’s no dearth of Israeli Arab affairs analysts, both academics
and many less qualified “experts.” Take your pick from a range that includes renowned
scholars and your next-door neighbour.
Ohad Hemo TV channel 12 reporter on Arab affairs is closely
attentive to the Palestinian street. For almost twenty years he has built a
broad network of Palestinian ‘contacts’ willing to share their opinions with
him. He has met and spoken with Palestinians from all walks of life. His
contacts range from the most extreme unrepentant terrorists to pragmatic
realists. He has interviewed Palestinians incarcerated in Israeli security
prisons and ‘retired’ members of the various Palestinian terrorist
organisations both, in Gaza and the West Bank.
Hemo is a recipient of the prestigious Sokolov prize for
journalism. After reading his account of the Palestinians, a view from within I
believe I am better informed about close neighbours. The book’s title is
awkwardly translated as ’Different Territories.’ “On the surface,” would have been a better
choice. So far, the book isn’t available in English.
Hemo’s interviews conducted inside Israeli security prisons are
particularly enlightening. He writes about security prisoners acquiring a
fluent knowledge of Hebrew. Some are avid readers of Hebrew literature
including biographies and autobiographies of Zionist political leaders ranging
from Ben Gurion to Jabotinsky.
He doesn’t claim that higher education and library facilities have
caused them to moderate their views regarding the Zionist enterprise. Furthermore,
some of the ‘retirees’ he talked to said that Israel is too strong to defeat in
the foreseeable future.
I doubt if that admission is reason enough for us to rest on our
laurels.
Have a good weekend.
Beni, 16th of
February, 2023.
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