Sukkot
We are celebrating Succot, variously referred to as Sukkot also known as Sukkos or Succoth.
The United
Church of God is holding its own Succot festivities this week. As are a
number of other Christian denominations, mainly in Jerusalem.
I noticed that in one of their itineraries there is a conducted
tour of the Monastery of the Cross located in the Valley of the Cross, below the Israel Museum and the Knesset. Legend
has it that the monastery was erected on the burial spot of Adam's head from which grew the tree that gave
its wood for the cross on which Jesus was crucified. Now that’s really mind boggling!
Alongside our Sukkot celebrations Christians from around the world come to Jerusalem
to celebrate the Feast of Tabernacles, sponsored by the International Christian
Embassy in Jerusalem, an evangelical organisation founded in 1980.
According to ICEJ’s programme - “The Feast of Tabernacles this year will begin with two event-filled
days
in Galilee, including prayers by the shores of the Sea of
Galilee. Then the participants will travel to Jerusalem for five days of festive events, starting with the
traditional Roll Call of the Nations in the Pais Arena. There will be
more prayers, morning seminars, Communion
at the Garden Tomb, the ever-popular Jerusalem March, and
time allotted for touring biblical
sites. The Feast will conclude with a special solidarity gathering in
the Negev with JNF representatives and residents of
the communities
along the Gaza border.”
The Jerusalem March began in 1955, as a four-day march to Jerusalem for 200 IDF soldiers and 70 civilians. The march turned into a mass event two years later, with 5,000 soldiers marching, and by 1966, it attracted 15,000 participants.
Represented at the Jerusalem March every year
is a large contingent of evangelical Christians from around the world, most of
whom are associated with the International Christian Embassy of Jerusalem
(ICEJ).
The Jerusalem March
this year was marred by the contemptable spitting incident perpetrated by a
number of Orthodox Jews.
Police arrested five suspects on Wednesday
morning last week for spitting at
Christian pilgrims in
the Old City.
One of the suspects appeared in a video where a group of Orthodox Jews are
seen spitting at Christian pilgrims as they carry the Sukkot four species
through the Old City. The other suspects spat at Christian visitors later on and
were arrested immediately.
The video was shared on social media, evoking condemnation from
public officials, including the prime minister and the chief rabbis.
Israel Police
Commissioner Kobi Shabtai criticised acts of
religious bigotry in Jerusalem, amid rising harassment of Christian pilgrims
and priests in the city.
“Any incident of
hate on religious grounds is a stain that spoils the special holiday atmosphere
throughout Israel and Jerusalem in particular.” he said.
Ahead of the march, the International Christian
Embassy in Jerusalem put
out a statement thanking Israeli officials for "their strong statements of
support for religious freedom in this country and their disapproval of recent
acts meant to humiliate or harm Christians."
However, ICEJ said Christians must also
"admit there is a much longer, painful history of Christian hostility
towards the Jewish people.
But thankfully, there has been a sea
change in Christian attitudes concerning the nation and people of Israel in our
day," the statement continued. "The vast majority of Israelis we
encounter know this and have warmly welcomed us in Jerusalem for Sukkot once
again. We truly appreciate sharing in the joy of this unique biblical festival
with our Jewish friends and will not be deterred from loving and standing with
Israel."
Pro-Israel supporters take part in the annual
Jerusalem March during Sukkot ,2017
A sharp transition to current events, and of course the Saudi peace deal
I think Fareed
Zakaria described it best: -
“A
peace deal between the Saudis and Israelis could change everything.
The word that probably best describes the Biden
administration’s efforts in public policy is “ambitious.” Most of its
initiatives — from infrastructure funding to support for green transformation
to aiding Ukraine —
are big and bold.
Now, the White House is trying to put together
another major effort that, if successful, will be a game changer: the Saudi-Israel
normalization. There are many complications that could derail the negotiations.
But if a deal comes together, the Middle East’s strongest military and most
technologically advanced power ( Israel) will be allied to the region’s
strongest economic power (Saudi Arabia) — which is still the swing supplier of
the world’s oil — under a U.S. security architecture. That would be a major win
for Washington.
For more than a decade, the United States has
been searching for a role in the Middle East that is not the old quasi-imperial
one and yet secures U.S. interests in this crucial region, allowing Washington
to focus on the larger challenges posed by Russia and China. By organizing a
soft alliance between Israel and Saudi Arabia, President Biden can rely on these two
countries to anchor the region economically and militarily.
The security umbrella is reportedly not going
to contain a version of NATO’s Article 5 guarantee, but rather a softer commitment
to respond and take action if Saudi Arabia is attacked. This will require
careful language to ensure that the clause is not invoked if Saudi Arabia
precipitates a crisis, as it has in recent years. It would have to include some
assurances that the Saudis will accommodate U.S. interests on the price of oil,
exclude Chinese military facilities from its territory and keep denominating
its oil in dollars. Assuming these issues can be overcome, Washington should
open up its security umbrella to Saudi Arabia.
The truth is that, ever since the Carter Doctrine of 1980 (which
declared the Persian Gulf an area of “vital” interest to the United States),
Washington has recognized that intervention in the gulf region by a hostile
power would threaten the economic lifeblood of the industrial world. And when
such an attack took place against Kuwait in 1990, directly threatening Saudi
Arabia, the United States did in fact come to the rescue of Riyadh.
The largest challenge is with Israel. This deal
would be concluded with the most extreme right-wing government in
Israel’s history, one that is trying to alter the constitutional makeup of the
country and moving to
make a Palestinian state an impossibility.
But Saudi Arabia and the United States have a lot of leverage: Israel needs
this deal more than they do — and, in particular, Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu, who faces mass protests, an ongoing trial and a restless
coalition of extremists. If Washington and Riyadh work together, they might be
able to pull off a new U.S.-Saudi-Israel alliance that could make greater
progress on Palestinian rights than has taken place in decades.
Both Riyadh and Washington should make clear to
Netanyahu that he has to take hard steps to keep open the path for a two-state
solution. That means a freeze on expansion of Jewish settlements in
the West Bank, an end to the legalization of illegal outposts and the
opening up of areas currently under Israeli control to
allow Palestinians to expand their towns in the West Bank.
This would enrage Netanyahu’s most extreme
coalition partners, who want to annex all of the West Bank. But there is a way
out of the impasse. As Martin Indyk, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel, told
me: ‘Biden
should present Bibi with a strategic grand bargain that includes significant
action on the Palestinian issue. Let Bibi figure out how to manage his
coalition or how to break it and form a new one. What Biden is proposing is
good for the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel. Extremists in Netanyahu’s
government should not be allowed to veto it.’
Netanyahu is banking on the notion that the
Saudi government actually doesn’t give a damn about the Palestinians and will
sell them out for token rhetorical concessions. But he might be mistaken in
this assumption. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has kept his mullahs and
religious conservatives at bay while he has opened up the country and
implemented major economic and social reforms. He might not want to anger them
by abandoning the Palestinians, as well. And if he insists, it’s possible that
Biden will back him up; some Democratic senators will probably make it clear to
Netanyahu that the price of Senate ratification is real movement on a two-state
solution. In that case, Netanyahu will have to decide what he wants more — a
truly historic advance in Israel’s security or keeping afloat his rickety,
controversial, extremist coalition.”
As I said I think Fareed
Zakaria described the pros and cons of the
proposed Saudi deal best. I welcome your
comments.
Chag Sameach.
Beni, 5th of October, 2023.
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